Well, here’s a place for him to
begin:
Since June 2003, Ahmed Abu Ali, a
23-year-old US citizen, has been held in al-Ha’ir prison
in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. He was reportedly arrested by
Saudi Arabian authorities on June 11, 2003 in the city
of Medina, while taking an exam at the Islamic
University there. He has no access to legal counsel or
to family members. It is not clear whether he has been
charged with a crime, nor is it clears when, or if, he
will be put on trial. The US Government says it had
nothing to do with his detention, although three FBI
agents reportedly questioned him soon after his arrest.
Saudi officials have declined to give an explanation for
his detention, but say they are holding him at the
request of the US State Department and would be glad to
release him if there was a request from the US.
The US consul failed to visit
Ahmed Abu Ali until almost a month after his detention,
and then began monthly visits. Two months after his
arrest, in September 2003, he was interrogated by three
FBI agents. They reportedly threatened to declare him an
“enemy combatant” and send him to Guantanamo Bay. Or he
could stand trial in Saudi Arabia, where he would have
no legal defense. He was then placed in solitary
confinement for three months. Between November 2003 and
February 2004, the US consul halted his monthly visits.
With the help of a prominent
civil rights attorney, Morton Sklar, Executive Director
of Human Rights USA, in August of this year Abu Ali's
parents sued the US government. They asked a Federal
court to order a hearing on his detention. For
authority, they relied on the Supreme Court rulings in
the cases of the Guantanamo Bay prisoners, and an
American citizen, Yaser Hamdi. These decisions affirmed
that even in wartime, the President does not have a
“blank check” to detain people without due process.
Responding to the parents'
petition in federal court, Justice Department attorneys
said US courts lacked jurisdiction over cases involving
US citizens in foreign custody. District Judge John D.
Bates rejected the notion that "when the United States
acts against citizens abroad it can do so free of the
Bill of Rights." He ordered the Justice Department to
produce evidence establishing what role, if any, U.S.
officials played in Abu Ali's arrest and detention.
The government’s “position is as
striking as it is sweeping," the judge said. He warned
that its behavior would allow the government to arrest
people and deliver them to another country in order to
avoid constitutional scrutiny, or even "to deliver
American citizens to foreign governments to obtain
information through the use of torture."
The State Department Country
Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2003 says Saudi
Arabian security forces "tortured detainees" and that
"torture and abuse were used to obtain confessions from
prisoners." The report also cites
" … credible reports that
security forces continued to torture and abuse detainees
and prisoners, arbitrarily arrest and detain persons,
and hold them in incommunicado detention."
Amnesty International has
expressed “concern” over Abu Ali’s plight. “As
information or confessions are often extracted under
this kind of duress, the failure of United States
consular authorities to visit Ahmed Abu Ali promptly
after his initial detention, or to regularly visit him
since then, has put him at increased risk of these
abuses.”
The judge directed the US
officials named in the suit to respond within 30 days.
Those officials include Attorney General John D.
Ashcroft, FBI Director Robert S. Mueller III, Homeland
Security Secretary Tom Ridge and Secretary of State
Colin L. Powell. So far the silence has been deafening.
At the time they filed the suit,
in August of this year, the Saudi government told the
family they had no interest in their son. The United
States insisted that it was not holding him. But the day
the family filed suit, the State Department called the
parents and told them that the Saudis were charging him
with unspecified terrorism-related crimes. At this
point, it is unclear whether any charges have been
brought by the Saudis.
But The Washington Post
reported that the Saudi embassy said in an e-mail that a
senior Saudi official had issued the following
statement: Abu Ali "is being detained with the full
knowledge and support of the US government. There is an
ongoing investigation regarding this individual. At this
time, we have received no request for extradition."
Yet, more recently, The Post
reported, Abu Ali was told by Saudi authorities that his
trial was approaching. US officials have not
facilitated legal representation, nor have they
discovered what, if anything, he has been charged with.
"Every development we have
seen suggests this is a US case and US prosecution,"
said attorney Sklar.
US officials have been interested
in Ahmed Abu Ali because of an alleged connection to a
now-concluded Virginia terrorism case. During the July
2003 bail hearing for one of the Virginia defendants,
Sabri Benkhala, it was mentioned that Abu Ali was an
associate of his who had allegedly confessed to
belonging to al-Q’aeda during interrogations that were
conducted by Saudi Arabia authorities and observed by
the FBI. Ahmed Abu Ali denied to his family that he had
ever made such a confession. Curiously, the allegation
was not repeated during Benkhala’s March 2004 trial. He
was acquitted of all charges.
Most Americans are, lamentably,
uninformed about this case – or many other cases of post
9/11 infringements on liberties guaranteed by the US
Constitution.
Or they have been persuaded
by the Bush Administration that losing some of these
liberties is critical to “winning the war on terror”.
But many citizens are
outraged. Typical is
Lawrence Jones of Conifer, Colorado, who wrote to The
Denver Post, “Do you know what we call detainees
when they are held by other countries without sufficient
evidence and without due process of law? ‘Political
prisoners.’ And we make a great show of our
self-righteous disdain when other countries do exactly
what we are doing. What happened to the America I
learned about in school, the America that set people
free because of a lack of evidence? What are we holding
these people on -- hunches?”
The author of the now infamous
memo to President Bush characterizing the Geneva
Conventions as “obsolete” and “quaint” will soon be
confirmed as the nation’s top law enforcement officer.
America’s new Attorney General would do well to listen
to consult Churchill’s October 16, 1938 speech, "The
Light is Going Out” for his job description.
Directed at the U.S. from London,
he said: "I avail myself with relief of the opportunity
speaking to the people of the United States. I do not
know how long such liberties will be allowed, the
stations of uncensored expression are closing down; the
lights are going out; but there is still time for those
to whom freedom and Parliamentary government mean
something, to consult together... They [dictators] are
afraid of words and thoughts: words spoken abroad,
thoughts stirring at home--all the more powerful because
forbidden--terrify them."
William Fisher has managed
economic development programs in the Middle East for the
US State Department and the US Agency for International
Development, and served in the international affairs
area in the Kennedy administration.