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Senator Robert Byrd
went to the floor of the US Senate on January 29,
2003 to introduce a new resolution on the use of
force in Iraq. Included below are the Senator's full comments. |
Remarks by U.S. Senator Robert C. Byrd
"President Bush Must Have UN Authorization Before Military
Strikes"
President Bush last night warned the American people to
brace for war with Iraq. In his State of the Union
address, he vowed that if Saddam Hussein does not disarm,
the United States will "lead a coalition" to disarm him.
Although the President stopped short of a declaration of
war, his message was clear: In his view, Saddam Hussein
constitutes an imminent danger to peace and security in
the world, and the United States is prepared to wage war,
with or without the support of the United Nations, to
remove him from power. The chain of events that President
Bush set into motion last year when he inducted Iraq into
what he called an "axis of evil" appears on the verge of
spilling over into battle and bloodshed.
The President's remarks come amid a firestorm of protest
from some of our closest allies in Europe and the Middle
East over the apparent willingness of the United States to
ride roughshod over the United Nations and dictate to the
rest of the world the terms of Iraq's disarmament. The
President in his State of the Union speech once again made
clear that Iraq will be dealt with on his timetable, at
his hands, according to his agenda.
I am fully cognizant of the danger presented by the
possibility of chemical, biological, or nuclear weapons in
the hands of a ruthless dictator like Saddam Hussein. I
am fully cognizant of, and frustrated by, the fact that
Iraq has consistently flouted the United Nations mandates
to disarm, and has apparently shown only token cooperation
with the current inspection regime. Iraq has much to
answer for, and the President is correct in demanding that
Iraq respond to the United Nations.
What concerns me greatly is that this President appears to
place himself above the international mandates of the
United Nations. He has turned a deaf ear to the concerns
of other nations and has vowed that the United States will
lead an assault on Iraq regardless of the judgment of the
United Nations. President Bush has made the overthrow of
Saddam Hussein a personal crusade, and in his zeal to
pursue his goal, he has failed to make the case to the
American people and to our allies abroad that the United
Nations is dragging its feet, that war is the only option
left, and that war cannot wait.
The President in his address alluded to tantalizing evidence
that Saddam Hussein is in collusion with al Qaeda and that
Iraq possesses weapons of mass destruction which it is hiding
from the United Nations weapons inspectors. But he has yet to
present that evidence to the public or to demonstrate why it
constitutes an immediate cause for war. If the evidence is as
compelling as the President indicates it will be, surely the
member states of the United Nations will close ranks behind
the United States and demand the forcible disarmament of Iraq.
The President also set what appears to be a new deadline for
the United Nations. On February 5, he said, the United States
will ask the U.N. Security Council to convene to hear evidence
of Iraq's illegal weapons programs and its links to terrorist
groups. I look forward to learning the details of that
meeting. I wonder why the President is holding back for
another week if he has such information today, and perhaps has
had it for some time. I am confident that the U.N. weapons
inspectors would welcome such evidence, not next week but
today, so that they could do their jobs more effectively. I
wonder why the Senate has not been given this evidence. I
wonder why the American people, who are being asked to send
their sons and daughters, mothers and fathers, brothers and
sisters into the battle zone, have not been made privy to this
important evidence.
Perhaps the answer lies in the follow-up comment by the
President: "We will consult, but let there by no
misunderstanding. If Saddam Hussein does not fully disarm for
the safety of our people, and for the peace of the world, we
will lead a coalition to disarm him." Despite all his comments
to the contrary, it appears that the President has
predetermined that war with Iraq is the only recourse left.
If war is the answer, the support of the international
community is essential. I believe that it would be a very
grave mistake for the United States to preempt the work of the
United Nations weapons inspectors and initiate an invasion of
Iraq without first seeking the express support of the Security
Council. The United States is already seen by many as an
aggressor in the Middle East. Speculation is rife in Europe
that the United States is pressing to invade Iraq to give the
U.S. control of the Iraqi oil fields. America's reputation in
the court of world opinion is in tatters.
Unfortunately, the President's State of the Union speech did
little to allay the worries of the American people or the
international community. The President signaled to the world
that America is ready for war with Iraq, but he did not
explain why Iraq suddenly presents such "a serious and
mounting threat" to our country, our friends, and our allies
that war is the only option. How is it that the threat from
Iraq is more serious than the threat from North Korea? How is
that the threat from Iraq appears to have eclipsed the threat
from al Qaeda and other terrorist organizations?
Nor did he attempt to prepare the American people for the
possible consequences of war with Iraq - the terrible toll on
the lives on innocent Iraqis, the potential for hundreds or
thousands of battlefield casualties of American servicemen and
women, the sharply increased threat of terrorist attacks on
America and its allies. The President promised that the
overthrow of Saddam Hussein would liberate the people of Iraq,
but he made no mention of what they could expect from a
post-war Iraq. He made no mention of the burden that the
United States would have to bear to ensure that a post-war
Iraq did not devolve into chaos.
In his State of the Union address last year, the President
declared a global war on terror, and he called on all nations
of the world to come together to combat the curse of
terrorism. In his speech last night, the global war on terror
got remarkably short shrift. "We are working closely with
other nations," the President said. "We have the terrorists on
the run."
Unfortunately, having terrorists on the run means that
terrorists have escaped our dragnet and, according to
intelligence assessments, are actively plotting new attacks on
the United States and its allies. We still do not know the
fate of Osama bin Laden. We may have him on the run, but we
also fear that he continues to pose a real and imminent threat
to the United States. And unlike Saddam Hussein, Osama bin
Laden has demonstrated his willingness to attack American
citizens at home and American interests abroad.
But instead of rallying the international community to the
continued need to cooperate in fighting global terrorism, the
President's policies and rhetoric are polarizing the world.
I believe that the Senate has a duty to speak to the issue of
war with Iraq, and I believe that the United States has a duty
under international law to work within the structure of the
United Nations charter. If we indict Saddam Hussein on the
grounds that he has failed to disarm in accordance with the
United Nations resolutions, how can we then turn around and
act against him without U.N. support? What signal does the
United States send to the world regarding respect for
international law? The United Nations is acting responsibly.
Iraq, if not fully cooperating, is at least straitjacketed.
America's allies are calling on us to give the inspectors time
to do their work. This is not the time for precipitous action
on the part of the United States.
For these reasons, I am today introducing a resolution urging
that the U.N. weapons inspectors be given sufficient time to
complete their work and calling for the President to seek a
United Nations resolution specifically authorizing the use of
force before initiating any offensive military operation
against Iraq.
It may come to be that war is the only way to subdue the
malevolence of Saddam Hussein. But that is not a decision for
the United States to make unilaterally. President Bush in
November galvanized the United Nations to act on the issue of
Iraq. For that he is to be commended. Now he must follow
through on his pledge to work with the U.N. The United
Nations has demonstrated in the past two months that it is
willing to act responsibly and vigorously in addressing the
issue of Iraq's disarmament. No one could accuse chief
weapons inspector Hans Blix of sugar-coating his interim
report to the U.N. Security Council on January 27. He made
clear that Iraq is not adequately cooperating on matters of
substance. He made clear his frustration with Iraq. But he
did not slam the door on the possibility of disarming Iraq
without resorting to war.
As long as that door remains open even a crack, as long as
Iraq is not actively threatening its neighbors or the United
States, as long as the United Nations can maintain a
stranglehold on Saddam Hussein's ambitions, I believe that we
have a duty to strive to find an alternative to war. And if
war it must be, then it should be a coordinated undertaking
authorized by Congress and sanctioned by the member states of
the United Nations, not a preemptive strike initiated by the
President of the United States.
The consequences of war are incalculable. Before we take such
a momentous step, before we place the lives America military
personnel and innocent civilians in harms way, we should stop
to reflect on the consequences, and we should redouble our
efforts to find a peaceful solution to the disarmament of
Iraq. If war is the only recourse, it must be a war endorsed
and fully supported by the United Nations.
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Senator
Robert Byrd
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