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Today, I Weep for my
Country
By
SENATOR ROBERT BYRD
Senate Floor Speech
March 19, 2003
I believe in this
beautiful country. I have studied its roots and gloried in the
wisdom of its magnificent Constitution. I have marveled at the
wisdom of its founders and framers. Generation after generation of
Americans has understood the lofty ideals that underlie our great
Republic. I have been inspired by the story of their sacrifice and
their strength.
But, today I weep for my country. I have watched the events of
recent months with a heavy, heavy heart. No more is the image of
America one of strong, yet benevolent peacekeeper. The image of
America has changed. Around the globe, our friends mistrust us,
our word is disputed, our intentions are questioned.
Instead of reasoning with those with whom we disagree, we demand
obedience or threaten recrimination. Instead of isolating Saddam
Hussein, we seem to have isolated ourselves. We proclaim a new
doctrine of preemption which is understood by few and feared by
many. We say that the United States has the right to turn its
firepower on any corner of the globe which might be suspect in the
war on terrorism. We assert that right without the sanction of any
international body. As a result, the world has become a much more
dangerous place.
We flaunt our superpower status with arrogance. We treat UN
Security Council members like ingrates who offend our princely
dignity by lifting their heads from the carpet. Valuable alliances
are split.
After war has ended, the United States will have to rebuild much
more than the country of Iraq. We will have to rebuild America's
image around the globe.
The case this Administration tries to make to justify its fixation
with war is tainted by charges of falsified documents and
circumstantial evidence. We cannot convince the world of the
necessity of this war for one simple reason. This is a war of
choice.
There is no credible information to connect Saddam Hussein to
9/11. The twin towers fell because a world-wide terrorist group,
Al Qaeda, with cells in over 60 nations, struck at our wealth and
our influence by turning our own planes into missiles, one of
which would likely have slammed into the dome of this beautiful
Capitol except for the brave sacrifice of the passengers on board.
The brutality seen on September 11th and in other terrorist
attacks we have witnessed around the globe are the violent and
desperate efforts by extremists to stop the daily encroachment of
western values upon their cultures. That is what we fight. It is a
force not confined to borders. It is a shadowy entity with many
faces, many names, and many addresses.
But, this Administration has directed all of the anger, fear, and
grief which emerged from the ashes of the twin towers and the
twisted metal of the Pentagon towards a tangible villain, one we
can see and hate and attack. And villain he is. But, he is the
wrong villain. And this is the wrong war. If we attack Saddam
Hussein, we will probably drive him from power. But, the zeal of
our friends to assist our global war on terrorism may have already
taken flight.
The general unease surrounding this war is not just due to "orange
alert." There is a pervasive sense of rush and risk and too many
questions unanswered. How long will we be in Iraq? What will be
the cost? What is the ultimate mission? How great is the danger at
home?
A pall has fallen over the Senate Chamber. We avoid our solemn
duty to debate the one topic on the minds of all Americans, even
while scores of thousands of our sons and daughters faithfully do
their duty in Iraq.
What is happening to this country? When did we become a nation
which ignores and berates our friends? When did we decide to risk
undermining international order by adopting a radical and
doctrinaire approach to using our awesome military might? How can
we abandon diplomatic efforts when the turmoil in the world cries
out for diplomacy?
Why can this President not seem to see that America's true power
lies not in its will to intimidate, but in its ability to inspire?
War appears inevitable. But, I continue to hope that the cloud
will lift. Perhaps Saddam will yet turn tail and run. Perhaps
reason will somehow still prevail. I along with millions of
Americans will pray for the safety of our troops, for the innocent
civilians in Iraq, and for the security of our homeland. May God
continue to bless the United States of America in the troubled
days ahead, and may we somehow recapture the vision which for the
present eludes us.
We Stand Passively Mute
THIS
IS NO SMALL CONFLAGRATION WE CONTEMPLATE
By
SENATOR ROBERT BYRD
Senate Floor Speech
Wednesday 12 February 2003
WASHINGTON, D.C. (2/12) -
To
contemplate war is to think about the most horrible of human
experiences. On this February day, as this nation stands at the
brink of battle, every American on some level must be contemplating
the horrors of war.
Yet, this Chamber is, for the most part, silent -- ominously,
dreadfully silent. There is no debate, no discussion, no attempt to
lay out for the nation the pros and cons of this particular war.
There is nothing.
We stand passively mute in the United States Senate, paralyzed by
our own uncertainty, seemingly stunned by the sheer turmoil of
events. Only on the editorial pages of our newspapers is there much
substantive discussion of the prudence or imprudence of engaging in
this particular war.
And this is no small conflagration we contemplate. This is no simple
attempt to defang a villain. No. This coming battle, if it
materializes, represents a turning point in U.S. foreign policy and
possibly a turning point in the recent history of the world.
This nation is about to embark upon the first test of a
revolutionary doctrine applied in an extraordinary way at an
unfortunate time. The doctrine of preemption -- the idea that the
United States or any other nation can legitimately attack a nation
that is not imminently threatening but may be threatening in
the future -- is a radical new twist on the traditional idea of self
defense. It appears to be in contravention of international law and
the UN Charter. And it is being tested at a time of world-wide
terrorism, making many countries around the globe wonder if they
will soon be on our -- or some other nation's -- hit list.
High level Administration figures recently refused to take nuclear
weapons off of the table when discussing a possible attack against
Iraq. What could be more destabilizing and unwise than this type of
uncertainty, particularly in a world where globalism has tied the
vital economic and security interests of many nations so closely
together? There are huge cracks emerging in our time-honored
alliances, and U.S. intentions are suddenly subject to damaging
worldwide speculation.
Anti-Americanism based on mistrust, misinformation, suspicion, and
alarming rhetoric from U.S. leaders is fracturing the once solid
alliance against global terrorism which existed after September 11.
Here at home, people are warned of imminent terrorist attacks with
little guidance as to when or where such attacks might occur. Family
members are being called to active military duty, with no idea of
the duration of their stay or what horrors they may face.
Communities are being left with less than adequate police and fire
protection. Other essential services are also short-staffed. The
mood of the nation is grim. The economy is stumbling. Fuel prices
are rising and may soon spike higher. This Administration, now in
power for a little over two years, must be judged on its record. I
believe that that record is dismal.
In that scant two years, this Administration hassquandered a large
projected surplus of some $5.6 trillion over the next decade and
taken us to projected deficits as far as the eye can see. This
Administration's domestic policy has put many of our states in dire
financial condition, under funding scores of essential programs for
our people. This Administration has fostered policies which have
slowed economic growth. This Administration has ignored urgent
matters such as the crisis in health care for our elderly. This
Administration has been slow to provide adequate funding for
homeland security. This Administration has been reluctant to better
protect our long and porous borders.
In foreign policy, this Administration has failed to find Osama bin
Laden. In fact, just yesterday we heard from him again marshaling
his forces and urging them to kill. This Administration has split
traditional alliances, possibly crippling, for all time,
International order-keeping entities like the United Nations and
NATO. This Administration has called into question the traditional
worldwide perception of the United States as well-intentioned
peacekeeper. This Administration has turned the patient art of
diplomacy into threats, labeling, and name calling of the sort that
reflects quite poorly on the intelligence and sensitivity of our
leaders, and which will have consequences for years to come.
Calling heads of state pygmies, labeling whole countries as evil,
denigrating powerful European allies as irrelevant -- these types of
crude insensitivities can do our great nation no good. We may have
massive military might, but we cannot fight a global war on
terrorism alone. We need the cooperation and friendship of our
time-honored allies as well as the newer found friends whom we can
attract with our wealth. Our awesome military machine will do us
little good if we suffer another devastating attack on our homeland
which severely damages our economy. Our military manpower is already
stretched thin and we will need the augmenting support of those
nations who can supply troop strength, not just sign letters
cheering us on.
The war in Afghanistan has cost us $37 billion so far, yet there is
evidence that terrorism may already be starting to regain its hold
in that region. We have not found bin Laden, and unless we secure
the peace in Afghanistan, the dark dens of terrorism may yet again
flourish in that remote and devastated land. Pakistan as well is at
risk of destabilizing forces.
This Administration has not finished the first war against terrorism
and yet it is eager to embark on another conflict with perils much
greater than those in Afghanistan. Is our attention span that short?
Have we not learned that after winning the war one must always
secure the peace? And yet we hear little about the aftermath of war
in
Iraq. In the absence of plans, speculation abroad is rife. Will we
seize Iraq's oil fields, becoming an occupying power which controls
the price and supply of that nation's oil for the foreseeable
future? To whom do we propose to hand the reigns of power after
Saddam Hussein?
Will our war inflame the Muslim world resulting in devastating
attacks on Israel? Will Israel retaliate with its own nuclear
arsenal? Will the Jordanian and Saudi Arabian governments be toppled
by radicals, bolstered by Iran which has much closer ties to
terrorism than Iraq? Could a disruption of the world's oil supply
lead to a world-wide recession? Has our senselessly bellicose
language and our callous disregard of the interests and opinions of
other nations increased the global race to join the nuclear club and
made proliferation an even more lucrative practice for nations which
need the income?
In only the space of two short years this reckless and arrogant
Administration has initiated policies which may reap disastrous
consequences for years. One can understand the anger and shock of
any President after the savage attacks of September 11. One can
appreciate the frustration of having only a shadow to chase and an
amorphous, fleeting enemy on which it is nearly impossible to exact
retribution. But to turn one's frustration and anger into the kind
of extremely destabilizing and dangerous foreign policy debacle that
the world is currently witnessing is inexcusable from any
Administration charged with the awesome power and responsibility of
guiding the destiny of the greatest superpower on the planet.
Frankly many of the pronouncements made by this Administration are
outrageous. There is no other word. Yet this chamber is hauntingly
silent. On what is possibly the eve of horrific infliction of death
and destruction on the population of the nation of Iraq -- a
population, I might add, of which over 50% is under age 15 -- this
chamber is silent. On what is possibly only days before we send
thousands of our own citizens to face unimagined horrors of chemical
and biological warfare -- this chamber is silent. On the eve of what
could possibly be a vicious terrorist attack in retaliation for our
attack on Iraq, it is business as usual in the United States Senate.
We are truly "sleepwalking through history." In my heart of hearts I
pray that this great nation and its good and trusting citizens are
not in for a rudest of awakenings.
To engage in war is always to pick a wild card. And war must always
be a last resort, not a first choice. I truly must question the
judgment of any President who can say that a massive unprovoked
military attack on a nation which is over 50% children is "in the
highest moral traditions of our country".
This war is not necessary at this time. Pressure appears to be
having a good result in Iraq. Our mistake was to put ourselves in a
corner so quickly. Our challenge is to now find a graceful way out
of a box of our own making. Perhaps there is still a way if we allow
more time.
__
Senator Robert Byrd
Web Site
About Robert
Byrd
__
Senator Robert Byrd
went to the floor of the US Senate on January 29,
2003 to introduce a new resolution on the use of
force in Iraq.
See the Senator's full comments.
__
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