JACKSON CHALLENGING BUSH'S
CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY TO WAGE WAR WITHOUT A CONGRESSIONAL
DECLARATION OF WAR
JOINS COALITION OF SOLDIERS AND PARENTS
By
Office of Rep. JESSE JACKSON, JR.
Republished by THE MODERN TRIBUNE
February 19, 2003
WASHINGTON, D.C. - Congressman
Jesse L. Jackson, Jr., recently said "U.S. soldiers, parents of
U.S. soldiers, and other congressional colleagues filed a lawsuit
in a Boston Federal Court arguing that, according to the U.S.
Constitution, President George W. Bush only has the authority to
go to war in Iraq if Congress passes an official declaration of
war - and Congress has not passed such a declaration. Congress
cannot willingly or voluntarily relinquish its constitutional
authority and responsibility in this critical area."
Jackson further stated, "An
invasion of Iraq would violate Article I, Section 8 of the United
States Constitution, which states that `Congress shall have Power
. . . to declare War.' The Iraq Resolution passed by Congress on
October 3, 2002, did not declare war and unlawfully ceded to the
President that decision. Historical records show that the framers
of the Constitution sought to ensure that U.S. presidents did not
have the power of European monarchs to single-handedly declare and
wage war."
Charles Richardson, a plaintiff in
the case, whose son is a U.S. Marine stationed in the Persian
Gulf, said, "The President is not a king. If he wants to launch a
military invasion against Iraq, he must first seek a declaration
of war from the United States Congress. Our Constitution demands
nothing less." Richardson, along with Nancy Lessin and Jeffrey
McKenzie - who are also plaintiffs in the case - is a co-founder
of Military Families Speak Out, an organization who opposes a war
against Iraq without a formal declaration, and who have family
members in the military. Lessin added: "A full and complete
Congressional discussion of the issues and all options must
precede any move towards war, because of the irreparable harm that
would result."
John Bonifaz, the plaintiffs' lead attorney, said, "A war against
Iraq without a congressional declaration of war will be illegal
and unconstitutional. It is time for the courts to intervene."
The plaintiffs filed a motion for
a preliminary injunction, along with their complaint. The motion
seeks an immediate hearing on the request that the President be
barred from launching a military invasion against Iraq without a
congressional declaration of war.
(See following
pages for a fuller explanation of the challenge)
A FULLER
EXPLANATION OF THE LEGAL BASIS FOR CHALLENGING PRESIDENTIAL
AUTHORITY TO WAGE WAR UNILATERALLY AGAINST IRAQ WITHOUT A FORMAL
CONGRESSIONAL DECLARATION OF WAR
The Mandate of Article I,
Section 8 of the U.S. Constitution
Article I, Section 8 of the United
States Constitution states: "The Congress shall have Power To
declare War_" This simple and clear language requires that the
decision of whether or not we, as a nation, go to war must be made
by the elected body of the United States Congress. By definition,
it specifically prohibits the President of the United States from
making that decision, as the authors of the Constitution deemed
the power to wage war to be too great to place in the hands of one
individual. Under Article I, Section 8, U.S. presidents are
denied the power held by monarchs of the past who, single
handedly, could order their nation and their subjects to war.
In October 2002, the U.S. Congress
passed a resolution that unconstitutionally delegated the power to
declare war to the President. The resolution, itself, does not
declare war against any nation. Rather, it states that the
President "has authority under the Constitution to take action in
order to deter and prevent acts of international terrorism against
the United States_" The resolution does not and cannot alter the
express language of Article I, Section 8 of the Constitution.
Only a constitutional amendment could effect such change.
U.S. Senator Robert C. Byrd
grounded his opposition to that resolution in Article I, Section
8. In his October 3, 2002 remarks on the Senate floor, he spoke
of the Framers of the Constitution who foresaw "the frailty of
human nature and the inherent danger of concentrating too much
power in one individual. That is why the Framers bestowed on
Congress, not the President, the power to declare war." He cited
James Madison, who wrote in 1793:
"In no part of the constitution is more wisdom to be found,
than in the clause which confides the question of war or peace
to the legislature, and not the executive department. Beside
the objection to such a mixture to heterogeneous powers, the
trust and the temptation would be too great for any one
man..." (See
http://byrd.senate.gov)
Thus, the President cannot rely on
an unconstitutional delegation of power to him in order to wage
war on Iraq or on any other nation. He must seek a formal
declaration of war from the U.S. Congress, as required by Article
I, Section 8. If the President chooses to send the United States
into war without such a congressional declaration, he and his
subordinates in the Executive Branch will be in direct violation
of the U.S. Constitution. A war with Iraq, without a
congressional declaration of war, will be illegal and
unconstitutional.
A Constitutional Challenge
President Bush's continued march
toward war without a congressional declaration demands judicial
intervention.
To initiate that judicial
intervention, a group of plaintiffs and members of Congress today
filed a lawsuit in federal court against the President and
Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, seeking to enjoin them from
waging war without a congressional declaration.
During the Vietnam War, the U.S.
Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit heard a series of cases
challenging the authority of the executive branch to wage war. In
Orlando v. Laird, 443 F 2d 1039 (2nd Cir. 1971), the federal
appeals court reiterated an earlier holding that "the
constitutional delegation of the war-declaring power to the
Congress contains a discoverable and manageable standard imposing
on the Congress a duty of mutual participation in the prosecution
of war." Id. at 1042. It further stated: "Judicial scrutiny of
that duty, therefore, is not foreclosed by the political question
doctrine." Id. The Second Circuit held that "the test is whether
there is any action by the Congress sufficient to authorize or
ratify the military activity in question." Id.
The court in Orlando found that "[t]he
Congress and the Executive have taken mutual and joint action in
the prosecution and support of military operations in Southeast
Asia from the beginning of those operations." Id. The court
cited the following evidence to support this holding: 1) the Gulf
of Tonkin Resolution passed by Congress in 1964; 2) congressional
action "appropriating billions of dollars to carry out military
operations in Southeast Asia;" and 3) congressional action
"extending the Military Selective Service Act with full knowledge
that persons conscripted under that Act had been, and would
continue to be sent to Vietnam." Id.
In a subsequent opinion, the
Second Circuit found that the congressional repeal of the Gulf of
Tonkin Resolution in 1970 did not remove congressional
authorization for the war. DaCosta v. Laird, 448 F. 2d 1368 (2nd
Cir. 1971). The court held: "[T]here was sufficient legislative
action in extending the Selective Service Act and in appropriating
billions of dollars to carry on military and naval operations in
Vietnam to ratify and approve the measures taken by the Executive,
even in the absence of the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution." Id. at
1369.
Our constitutional challenge to
President Bush's authority to wage war against Iraq is clearly
distinguishable from the Second Circuit's holdings in the Vietnam
War cases. The Vietnam War cases were brought in the late 1960s
and early 1970s, long after the war had begun. This case is being
brought prior to the start of a war. Congress has yet to pass any
military appropriation acts for this war and has yet to initiate a
military draft. The only action Congress has taken is the passage
of the congressional resolution last October which, far from
declaring war, cedes unconstitutionally to the President the power
to declare war.
Further, the legislative history
demonstrates that Members of Congress who voted for the Iraq
resolution were not voting to declare war. Statements on the
floors of the House and the Senate by resolution proponents during
the debate support this fact. In addition, on January 24, 2003,
123 Members of Congress sent a letter to the President stating
that "the U.S. should make every attempt to achieve Iraq's
disarmament through diplomatic means and with the full support of
our allies." The congressional signers included 22 who had voted
for the resolution. See "Members of House petition for caution,"
The Boston Globe, January 25, 2003, A1.
Assembling the plaintiffs
The Vietnam War cases indicate
that members of the armed forces have standing to bring this kind
of constitutional challenge. This standing should also extend to
relatives of those potentially being sent to war.
The Law Offices of Cristobal
Bonifaz, a law firm based in Amherst and Boston, Massachusetts,
identified a member of the armed forces and family members who
were willing to participate in the lawsuit.
Finally, Members of Congress have
standing on the grounds that they are being stripped of their
power, provided to them by Article I, Section 8, to vote on
whether or not to declare war.
Conclusion
A reporter recently stated to
President Bush that it appeared inevitable that the nation was
headed toward war with Iraq. The president responded: "That's
not for you to decide. That's for me to decide."
Actually, it is for neither of
them to decide. Congress is the governmental body under the U.S.
Constitution which retains the sole power to decide whether or not
this nation goes to war.
George W. Bush is not a king. If
he wants to go to war against Iraq, he must seek and receive a
declaration of war from the United States Congress. Our
Constitution requires nothing less.
Jesse Jackson, Jr. on CNN's Crossfire
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